The Harry Smith Project – Thoughts in Advance

Smithcover

In a lot of ways,The Celestial Monochord is a tribute to Harry Smith and the mesmerizing sampler of old recordings he edited in 1952, The Anthology of American Folk Music.

And so, this Tuesday will be an exciting day at Monochord headquarters. Four disks — two audio CDs and two DVDs — intended to pay tribute to Smith and his Anthology will be released on Tuesday (October 24). I don’t have a reviewer’s copy of the disks (unlike this putz, for example), so I’ll anticipate the release by considering what I can tell about it from the label’s advertising and what others are saying about it.

As the author of the first (and so far only) blog on the entire internet dedicated to the Anthology, my first comment is … people! Treat your bloggers a little better!

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The bulk of the disks offer audio and video from a series of tribute concerts, called The Harry Smith Project, organized in 1999 and 2001 by a guy named Hal Willner. The performers — about half of whom are big stars like Lou Reed, Wilco, Steve Earle, Elvis Costello — do what might be thought of as “covers” of the songs on Smith’s Anthology.

In exactly what sense such performances would constitute a tribute to Harry Smith is unclear to me. I can’t get it sorted out in my head.

Smith’s Anthology and the lessons it taught shaped the revivals that came after, and it defined the careers of some of the best musicians of the late 20th Century. The Anthology also became a milestone in the history of amateur musicianship in America. Those revivals, those careers, and we amateur musicians have paid tribute to Smith far beyond The Harry Smith Project‘s poor power to add or detract — the world will little note nor long remember what Sonic Youth says here …

And there are other problems. Of course, Harry Smith was a mix-master, one of history’s great juxtapositionists, so there’s no such thing as a Harry Smith cover, per se. Thinking of the Anthology‘s songs as if they were Smith’s babies only perpetuates the worship of the collector over the collected, the Lomaxes over the Leadbellies. Harry Smith himself was markedly dismissive of the Anthology and he considered his other projects, now largely forgotten, to be more important. I wonder how Smith would have felt about Tuesday’s release.

In his strange interviews, Smith treats the songs on the Anthology as mere local embodiments of some larger patterns in the human collective unconscious. Although he clearly loved them (no matter what he might have said), he portrays the records in his collection as arbitrary, as if they may as well have been any other records, or even some tangled pieces of string, or some paper airplanes discarded in the gutters of Manhattan.

To me, the most immediately obvious way to pay tribute to Harry Smith is to carry on his work — to go on collecting little bits of culture that embody the most vital meanings animating human life. To work at becoming — ourselves — the embodied examples of such meanings. To investigate and love human culture independently, idiosyncratically.

But then … what do you expect The Celestial Monochord to say?

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I knew about these Harry Smith Project concerts back when they happened, through a Tom Waits discussion list I belonged to. Although none of the list-members who attended the concerts knew or cared much about Harry Smith, their reaction to the concerts was overwhelmingly positive. Everyone seemed to agree something remarkable had happened there. And it’s no wonder. Hal Willner seems to be the right man for the job of organizing these tribute concerts.

First, he’s one of a smallish tribe of people who’ve had their lives overturned by this queer, bent little hypnotist, Harry Smith. At times, it seems there’s about as many of us in the world as there are people who’ve walked on the Moon, or who’ve been struck by lightning more than once.

Willner personally knew Smith well enough to cast him as The King in a production of The Seven Deadly Sins, staged at the Naropa Institute. It was also Hal Willner who put together Allen Ginsberg’s introduction to the catastrophically out-of-print collection of interviews with Smith, Think of the Self Speaking.

And very suggestively, Willner has used his time on Earth to collect amazing things and paste them together — giving him roughly as much insight into Smith’s mind as we can hope for. The list of Willner’s projects is dazzling, but he’s best known for gathering together very dissimilar musicians for improbable tribute albums.

He’s responsible for tributes to Thelonious Monk, Kurt Weill, Charles Mingus, pirate ballads and sea chanteys, and music from Walt Disney’s cartoons. Performers he’s rangled together for these projects include Bono, Sting, Loudon Wainwright III, Rufus Wainwright, Dr. John, John Zorn, Sun Ra, Tom Waits, Ringo Starr, Keith Richards, and Elvis Costello. Along the way, he also collaborated with Robert Altman on Short Cuts and Robert Wilson on a show in Copenhagen.

To me, the drama of listening to The Harry Smith Project will be in watching Willner do battle with the poppycocky quality of his own project. He’s in the best position anyone can be in to make a “tribute album” to Harry Smith actually pay tribute to Harry Smith. Given who he is, I don’t much doubt Willner will succeed in some sense, and on some terms. But in what sense? On what terms?

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The fourth disk of The Project‘s 4-disk set makes easier sense to me. It’s the hook that will snag me into plopping down my cash on Tuesday, although I suspect the reverse might be true for most buyers.

The fourth disk is a DVD with a documentary about the creation of the Anthology, along with selections from Smith’s abstract films, which were influential in their own right. The documentary is by Rani Singh, the director of the Harry Smith Archives and Smith’s friend and assistant in the last years of his life. It’ll be interesting to see what kind of documentarian she is, but Singh’s previous work perpetuating Smith’s memory has been inspiring and important.

This last disk — the one with the best prospects for bringing us into communion with Harry Smith himself — brings me to something called The Harry Smith Connection

Willner’s inspiration for the concert portion of this Project was, in part, two previous concerts marking the 1997 reissue of The Anthology on CD. From what I’m able to tell, the CD of those performances, The Harry Smith Connection, was widely disliked by critics. But if you judge solely by the “spin test” — how often it’s in my player, spinning — it’s one of my favorite CD’s.

Perhaps my favorite cut is “His Tapes Roll On,” which another reviewer has called “excruciating” and “unbelievably egregiously stinkerooin’ nonsense.” Unlike most of the other songs on the disk, “His Tapes Roll On” is not from the Anthology, but was written by Peter Stampfel, a Wauwautosa-born sometime member of The Fugs, whose first album was recorded by Smith. Stampfel’s creaky, amateurish, stitched-together song is about Smith’s obsession with recording sound — any, seemingly randomly chosen sound. Stampfel begins:

Harry recorded with a wire recorder
back in World War II
Harry recorded with a reel-to-reel
when the reel-to-reel was new
Harry recorded cassettes by the hundred
as the century rolled on
He even used a telephone answering machine
But Harry Smith is gone

Speed-rapping killers and jump-rope rhymes,
fireworks on the 4th of July
Complete early canon of Gregory Corso,
kittens, snowstorms, airplane trips
What is the sound of one hand clapping?
Where’s tomorrow gone?
Most of his tapes are missing in action
And Harry Smith is gone

It’s true that Stampfel’s voice and guitar-playing will never rocket to the top of the charts, but neither will anything else Harry Smith chose to record — squeaking hinges, squealing brakes, the peyote songs of the Kiowa, or the death-rattles of bowery bums.

It’s here, in Stampfel’s “egregious nonsense,” that we find the gravest contradictions and challenges in the concert recordings of The Harry Smith Project. At least on the face of it — again, sight unseen — the contradiction implied by bringing together popular, professional musicians to work up modernized, financially-viable, critic-pleasing versions of songs that (of all people) Harry Everett Smith collected … well, that contradiction seems to unravel the very goal of paying tribute to him. That’s what I’ll be listening for — the drama, inherent in the very idea of the project, of how to resolve, or respond to, or transcend The Harry Smith Project’s own contractions.

I’ll try to have something written up in the next few months.

 

Battle of the Jug Bands, 2006

Battlelist

For the past 24 years, on every first Sunday after Super Bowl Sunday, a jug band competition has been held at the Cabooze, a bar in the West Bank neighborhood of Minneapolis.

I discovered the Battle around 2001. In those days, my hatred of Minnesota was deep and corrosive, and it seemed my only choices were to leave the Twin Cities or burn them to the ground. But several years earlier, I’d become obsessed with old blues and folk music. The decision to finally go out into the February cold and check out the Battle of the Jug Bands seemed like a concession — it felt like finally sitting down at the negotiating table. The Battle became a part of giving myself permission to forgive Minnesota.

The organizers refuse to take it seriously. Like hockey’s Stanley Cup, the winner’s trophy travels with the winning band for a year and is engraved with the winner’s name — but unlike the Stanely Cup, the trophy is a 1936 Holliwood brand waffle iron. A campy silliness pervades nearly everything about the proceedings — excepting some of the bands, the tortured souls of the overworked soundmen, and me. My contribution to the absurdity of the proceedings is to be Some Guy Who Takes This Seriously.

I’m blown away by the expansive repertoire delivered from the stage during the course of the Battle — songs that I once thought only I knew suddenly spring from college kids in silly costumes, and the audience knows the words. The Battle of the Jug Bands is like some kind of Return of the Repressed, a sign of something hidden away in the basements along the side streets of the Twin Cities.

Below are highlights of the notes I took at my barstool during The 2006 Battle of the Jug Bands. Obviously, this goes on much too long — but if you manage to read it all, imagine how much more stamina is needed to actually attend the eight-hour Battle.

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I arrived about four bands into the 23-band competition.

The Jug Refugees are called to the stage before most of their members have arrived. Spectators hop onto the stage to help fill in, further frustrating the sound guys. This ad hoc band struggles through a terrible version of Elizabeth Cotton’s Shake Sugaree.

In the name of fairness, the Refugees are later given a second set, and do a much better “Wagon Wheel” by the Old Crow Medicine Show (and Dylan). After several songs, the juggist notices a little liquid at the bottom of his glass jug and eagerly chugs it down — only to realize it’s his own saliva.

Gramdma’s Saggy Jug Band. Five 20-somethings dressed as four grannies and one feller. They’re great — the fiddler is very fine, and the band knows how essential a good rhythm section is to a jug band. (Too many bands make the mistake of handing the rhythm section over to the least experienced musicians.) They play washtub bass, washboard, fiddle, parlor guitar, jug, and kitchen implements. Their repertoire is on the obscure side — the Mississippi Sheik’s “Please Baby,” Cannon’s Jug Stompers “Pig Ankle Strut,” an old radio duet they heard reissued somewhere, and “Cock-A-Doodle, I’m Off My Noodle” by Harry Reser’s Six Jumping Jacks.

To me, each member of Grandma’s Saggy Jug Band seems to inhabit a distinct character — not just relying on their costume — and the characters get developed in little exchanges between songs. I interview them off-stage and it turns out they work mostly as puppeteers (which makes sense, given their theatrical vividness) at Bedlam Studio on the West Bank, where the group is best known for their annual Halloween show. They hadn’t been especially familiar with the Battle of the Jug Bands before that night.

Bacon Equity. Looks like a family operation — washtub, tuba, tenor banjo, banjo ukulele, harmonica, toy accordion (played by Dad?). The first song is brilliant, like James Brown and Tom Waits with a jug attack. The crowd catches on to the band’s reggae/funk influence, and some on the dance floor love it, go nuts. About four frat boys in the back wearing their baseball caps backward hate what they hear, and start calling for the hook. (They don’t understanding that the hook is used on bands that go seriously over their time limit, not for bands that the audience hates). They chant “HOOK! HOOK! HOOK!” I shout at the band, “A little too black for these crackers!” Bacon Equity’s tuba player is a young girl, and she’s fearless, tireless, pumps out a great groove. They’re given an encore — they add two saxophones and a Middle Eastern flavor, pouring gasoline on the frat-boys’ fire. God love ’em. A boy with a saxophone, maybe 14 years old, goads the crowd (in the hip-hop and reggae fashion) to stamp their feet, sing along, clap hands. Incredible chaos ensues.

The Fat Chance Jug Band has a regular gig on Wednesday nights and is surprisingly bad compared to these amateurs. They remind the audience that “when you hear the tornado siren tests, you know it’s jug day!”

Hump Night Thumpers (humpnightthumpers.com) from Chicago are clearly professionals, and not just because they have a website. They’re “genuine revivalists,” if such a thing is possible, and understand the jug band concept. They do the old “Hey lordy mama mama, hey lordy papa papa, talk about that Mobile line” and The Memphis Jug Band’s “What’s the Matter?” Jerri Wagner, who’s a good singer, a good juggist, and attractive, takes the stage wearing a strip of tape across her chest, like the banners worn by women at beauty contests. It reads “Police Line: Do Not Cross” — not a bad idea at the Cabooze. Sings “Rag Mama.”

Mighty Wind Breakers. The band leader is extremely picky with the sound guys during set-up. No wonder — their sound turns out to be very sumptuous, all atmosphere and spaciness. They have a plinky aimless xylophone, harmonica, fiddle … they sketch the outlines of complex polyrhythms, which is lovely, but not right for this crowd. The frat boys chant “Hook! Hook! Hook!” but their lyrics are intended to be calming Ken Nodine-like mantras — “Love life, give life, give love, live long, long live, long life,” blah blah blah.

Jook Savages. Always a high point, transcendent. Their leader looks exactly like Carl “Oldy” Olsen from Conan O’Brien, but is named Dave Morton. Huge band (19+ members), so it takes forever to set up. Morton pays no attention, just eventually starts singing and playing guitar. The band eventually realizes what’s happening and, ready or not, assembles some kind of sound around him. Completely mad, but with a great, heavy rhythm — bass saxophone and at least 3 jug players. Morton then suddenly starts singing a different song, and the sound falls apart (not that it was ever very together) until the band can figure out what he’s singing and the sound reassembles itself as best it can. The performance basically amounts to an endless medley, like a drumming circle, undifferentiated and somehow basically coherent. Average band member’s age about … 54?

At some point, my wife drops by the Cabooze and informs me that Dick Cheney has just shot a guy during a hunting trip. I spend the rest of the night informing other people, and they treat me like I’m handing out $100 bills.

At least three excellent, young jug bands take the stage in the last third of the Battle — The Como Avenue Jug Band, The World’s Fattest Twins, and The Hog Town Stompers. For the first time in my experiences at the Battle of the Jug Band, I begin to get confused and puzzled over who might win possession of the waffle iron. The Hog Town Stompers are very fine, tight, and danceable — but will they win? There is too much else happening here — and just what exactly IS happening here? A revival, as I keep reminding you.

I talk to a couple who has been to every one of the Battles since 1982. I ask them how it’s changed over the years, and they reply in unison: “It’s gotten bigger!”

The night ends with Kazooie Okie, which consists of five kazooists and one washboard player. In fact, he surely must be among the best washboard players on Earth — Mikkel Beckmen, well-known in the Twin Cities as the washboardist for such great acts as Charlie Parr, Lonesome Dan Kase and the Crush Collision Trio, and The Brass Kings. What the hell is he doing with these clowns?

The kazoo orchestra begins their set with “25 or 6 to 4” from Chicago’s Greatest Hits. Next, they do “My Girl” by The Temptations and wrap up with “I Feel Good” by James Brown. Actually, it’s surprising how well it comes off, although the assistance of Mr. Beckmen is much needed.

Afterwards, I ask Mikkel how he got roped into this — did he owe somebody money? He just shrugs and says, “When they told me they were gunna do some James Brown, that was good enough for me.”

 

Clocks and Spoons

Edward Hopper’s Automat, at the Des Moines Art Center

Clocks and Spoons is a worksong, not for the prison work crew or plantation field hand, but for the office worker. Its rhythms don’t match John Henry’s hammer, they’re the lonesome rhythms of the cube — your own heartbeat, your own breathing, the ticking of The Clock.

What the song’s rhythms tell us, its lyrics confirm, yearning for the body and the mind to finally be able to escape, together, to the same place:

Don’t know how I did that now
Wonder where it’s gone
Must’ve spent the way I went
Waiting for the dawn
Shoot the moon right between the eyes
I’m screaming
Take me back to sunny countryside

Here it seems the singer is at work, and there the lyrics have the singer at home, singing at night:

Clocks and spoons, empty rooms
It’s raining out tonight
What a way to end a day
By turning out the light
Shoot the moon right between the eyes
I’m sending
Most of me to sunny countryside

The contradiction confused me for a while — the domestic, night-time moments seem strange if this really is a worksong. Where are we? Is this a song about the home or the office?

In Clocks and Spoons, Prine is still tackling the problem he’s been working on for much of the album — how to capture, like a fly in amber, what night feels like to him. Prine has practically said as much in regard to John Garfield. Songs like John Garfield, Torch Singer, and Billy the Bum try to convey what night is like, what afflictions and freedoms it entails — what’s at stake in nightfall.

That’s how Clocks and Spoons can be both a white-collar worksong and a night-time reverie. Our days cast a shadow on our nights, and visa versa. Day jobs, for example, can make night seem so hectic, short, and sad — its no wonder the light-deprived mind of Clocks and Spoons fantasizes a countryside perpetually bathed in sweet sunshine:

Running through sky of blue
Rolling in the sun
Every day has a way
Of overflowing one
Shoot the moon right between the eyes
I’m keeping
Most of me in sunny countryside

Clocks and Spoons wasn’t the first John Prine song to indulge in this kind of back-to-the-land fantasy — the first album’s Spanish Pipedream (“blow up your TV … move to the country”) and Paradise both entertained the idea. In them, Prine inhabits one world but lives in another.

These first two albums show the marks of having been recorded at the height of an old-time string band revival — a late-1960’s and early-1970’s phenomenon that seems almost totally forgotten today. And a good reminder, among other things on these albums, is this back-to-the-country theme. Writing about this old-time revival, Thomas Carter writes:

The music was the first step back to the land. The idea of living in the country was a fundamental part of the music’s attraction, and many revival musicians eventually moved to farms and small towns. Most of us at one time or another dreamed of living in the country — whatever that meant — and our world was dominated by powerful if dimly understood symbols like the woodpile.

(“Looking for Henry Reed: Confessions of a Revivalist” in
Sounds of the South, edited by Daniel W. Patterson)

In terms of its arrangements, Diamonds seems to embody this old-timey, nature-fantasy more than the first album, which was recorded with Nashville studio musicians. Even though Clocks and Spoons uses instruments forbidden in “strictly traditional” old-time stringbands — Steve Burgh’s bass and David Bromberg’s electric guitar — the arrangement strongly evokes much older styles.

At least to me. To me, Clocks and Spoons is clearly an old-time banjo tune. Prine’s guitar-picking pattern has the tick-tock syncopation of banjo styles like that of Bascom Lamar Lunsford. The main guitar figure has the soul of a fretless banjo, evoking that instrument’s long slides, hammer-ons, and snappy pull-offs.

In 1949, wonderfully introducing his equally wonderful recording of The Last Gold Dollar, Bascom Lamar Lunsford calls Gold Dollar “rather an elusive banjo tune.” By now, I’ve come to think of Lunsford as having coined a name for a sub-genre — The Rather Elusive Banjo Tune. They’re easy to listen to, hard to play, and their lyrics, if any, are disjointed, mysterious, require the imagination of the listener. Clocks and Spoons is such a tune.

On the other hand, the back-to-the-land theme and with the hybrid rock-folk arrangement also remind me of other developments in music in the early 1970s. And they’re probably even more important to this song, this album, and John Prine’s early career, but I know much less about them.

I’m thinking of the laid-back LA singer-songwriters who had escaped to Laurel Canyon (Crosby, Stills Nash, & Young, Joni Mitchell, James Taylor, etc.), and the parallel experiments rock musicians were conducting in Nashville (Dylan, Gram Parsons, the Byrds). Both trends are discussed a bit in Neil Rosenberg’s “Bluegrass: A History,” and the Laural Canyon crowd has recently gotten some book-length treatments.

It would be worth someone’s while to go at Prine’s first two albums this way — as artifacts from a particular moment in the history of the American music business. A place to start would be with Kris Kristofferson, who’s often said to have “discovered” Prine, and who had one foot firmly in rock, the other in country.

In any case, even if I could get it all sorted out — Nashville and Laurel Canyon in the early 1970s, Hank Williams of the 1950’s, who Prine’s father loved so much, the folk revival his older brother Dave seems to have been a part of, the folk it revived — I’d still be left to wonder how it could all somehow get folded up and be made to fit effortlessly inside the act of turning out the light at the end of a long day of delivering the mail.

(This is part of my song-by-song series on John Prine’s second album, Diamonds in the Rough: Everybody  *  The Torch Singer  *  Souvenirs  *  The Late John Garfield Blues  *  Sour Grapes * Billy The Bum  *  The Frying Pan  *  Yes I Guess They Oughta Name a Drink After You  *  Take the Star Out of the Window  *  The Great Compromise  *  Clocks and Spoons  *  Rocky Mountain Time  *  Diamonds in the Rough)

KFAI covers Frank Cloutier

Dakota Dave Hull has asked me to talk about Frank Cloutier and the Victoria Cafe Orchestra on his radio show.

I’m scheduled to appear on August 3rd. The show airs every Thursday from 9:00 – 11:00 a.m. (Central Time) and can be streamed live on the web. Each show is also archived for two weeks.

Or, if you live in the Twin Cities, just turn your radio dial to 90.3 or 106.7 FM. Maybe you can drive by the Victoria Cafe while you listen …

 

Dixieland Jazz at Dupont Circle

Editor’s Note (August 30, 2006): A lot of light has since been shed on the Dupont Circle musicians by readers submitting comments on this entry. I have now closed the comments seciton for this entry, but I invite you to write me at celestialmonochord@gmail.com. I will be posting a “New Updated Revised Edition” of this entry in the coming months.

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I saw a Dixieland jazz band busking on the street in Washington, DC this early June. It was made up of about ten African American kids — all boys between 13 and 17 years, my friend thought. They played a kind of Dixieland I’d never heard before. It was apparently a sound all their own.

I wish I’d had a recorder, since all I can do now is describe the sound. In the center — physically and musically — there were a couple of drummers with a bass drum and snare, I think. They were beating out fairly complex polyrhythms, usually with a core tempo of a fast walk.

Next to the drummers was a tuba and a … euphonium, maybe … providing a pulsing bass foundation. Around them crowded about six trombone players. No sax, no clarinet, no trumpet or cornet, and certainly no banjo.

The trombones generally played slides and very short runs, often repeating brief phrases, intertwining with each other in keys and with a spirit that made the music Dixieland, without any doubt. But mostly, the trombones too were their own rhythm section. They pretty much stuck within the beat, and syncopated a lot more than they swung. It was Dixieland rendered from the perspective of James Brown.

The effect was sort of a long, uniform, jam-band stream of music. Often a given trombonist would stop, walk around a little, wipe the sweat off his face, and then raise his trombone again for a couple well-placed squawks — and then repeat the procedure. The music was built so that you could freely drop in and out without interrupting the flow.

So the music was “scalable” — that is, it could be played by a smaller or larger band without much harm to the overall feel. In that sense, they had rediscovered a trick at the core of the “Old Time” stringband sound usually heard today at Old Time jams.

In the late 1960’s around Chapel Hill, Alan Jabbour and his Hollow Rock String Band had every instrument play in unison (except the guitar), so they could add a second or third banjo or a fifth fiddle — and the main effect was that the jam just got louder. In this way, you could have a single jam that was large enough for a whole “scene” or community to participate, something not possible with other stringband styles. This Dupont Circle jazz was a little like that — scalable, participatory, community-building, revivalist, and new.

But of course they weren’t playing in unison — each was improvising. They were playing jazz. Around the 1950’s, many amateur white Dixieland enthusiasts memorized the parts in old jazz recordings so they could reproduce them in their own band, sort of as a classical orchestra does. I don’t know if they didn’t understand, or if they just ignored, that the original recordings had been improvised. But what these white bands played wasn’t jazz — it was an impersonation of jazz.

Improvisation, of course, is key. In several of the earliest articles written about bluegrass, the writers tried to explain the music in terms of Dixieland. Both forms involve an ensemble collectively, spontaneously composing a unique performance that “fills up” each measure with polyphony. Bluegrass, they said, is like Dixieland played on southern stringband instruments.

It was clear to me that the kids in Dupont Circle had been listening to Dixieland recordings and had vividly understood — and had been deeply impressed with — their essence, which is collective simultaneous improvisation.

Traditionalists who fixate on certain narrow views of authenticity would probably be disappointed in the music — particularly in the brief and simple lines they used and the featureless “architecture” of the numbers those lines added up to.

I was not disappointed. I was so happy and amazed that I couldn’t believe my ears and eyes. First, these were children, damned near — born in the early 1990’s around the time “Friends” debuted on TV — and they were intensely and joyously REVIVALIST in their approach. It was hardly something I anticipated seeing that night, coming from people so young of any race, any class, or any gender. Certainly, I’d seen little in Minneapolis to quite prepare me for it.

Lately, I’ve been studying the lives of several brass dance-band musicians of the 1920’s. Most were World War One veterans, and found discipline and musical experience in the US military. Of course, these Dupont Circle kids haven’t played for their countrymen during a World War (at least not yet). Nor can I imagine they were raised in a community that strongly and consistently nurtures the development of obsolete tromboning — I know I wasn’t.

But they understood Dixieland jazz well enough to try it out and fashion from the results of their experiment a new thing, suited to their skills, their aesthetics, and their time and place. I walked away without really understanding who I’d seen — I still don’t quite get who they were or how they got there. But they were clear proof that we are still deeply in the midst of a full-on, all-out Revival.

 

Frank Cloutier and the Victoria Cafe Orchestra

Newshow


Editor’s note: This is the information I had after a couple weeks of research. The research has now gone on for many years! See various updates.

In recent weeks, I’ve discovered quite a lot of previously-unknown information about Frank Cloutier and the Victoria Cafe Orchestra.

Cloutier’s orchestra recorded “Moonshiners Dance, Part 1” in 1927, and Harry Smith included it in his 1952 Anthology of American Folk Music (as entry #41). The liner notes to the 1997 reissue state:

The members of the Victoria Cafe Orchestra are unknown. [ The orchestra ] does not appear in any jazz or dance band discography, but is assumed to have been from the Minnesota area.

After many revelations during more than 100 hours of research, the phrase now seems almost comical — “assumed to have been from the Minnesota area.”

When I first heard the Anthology in 1997, Cloutier’s recording caught my attention. For one thing, I thought at the time if you slowed it down and played it in march-time, “Moonshiners Dance” could sound a bit like Bob Dylan’s “Rainy Day Women #12 and 35.” More importantly, I wondered whether I could find out more about its origin, given that so little was known about it and given that it was recorded in St. Paul, Minnesota (I live in Minneapolis).

But then, absolutely everything about the Anthology caught my attention. It took nine years to finally feel as if I’d exhausted the Anthology’s deep well of distractions and drive, one Saturday morning, over to the Minnesota History Center in St. Paul. My first step was to look in the 1927 St. Paul city directory — a precursor to the phone book — and there was Frank Cloutier, musician, living two blocks from The Victoria Cafe. I’ve done a fairly thorough literature search of the kind I learned to do in grad school, and it seems as if nobody else knows what I’ve uncovered.

But why? Harry Smith’s Anthology is surely the most influential anthology of sounds in history. It’s widely regarded as the founding document of the 1960’s Folk Revival, which so strongly defined popular music forever after. Many of those on the Anthology were sought out and found in the 1960’s, had a second career, and have been written about seemingly endlessly. Why was NOTHING known about Frank Cloutier and his orchestra until May 13, 2006, when I looked him up in the phone book?

Frank Cloutier presents certain problems specific to him. Despite the heavy influence of jazz on “Moonshiners Dance,” he’s missing from Brian Rust’s authoritative “Jazz Records, 1897 to 1942.” The recording is a mish-mash of French-Canadian, Mexican, and Klezmer dance-band influences, but can’t be found in Dick Spottswood’s “Ethnic Music on Records.” It’s too ethnic and jazzy — perhaps — to have been included in Rust’s “American Dance Band Discography.” I don’t really know why it has been so ignored, but I wonder if “Moonshiners Dance” has fallen through nearly every crack there is because it is both everything and nothing in particular. No wonder it took a character like Harry Smith to rescue it from oblivion.

Another reason the recording seems never to have been researched before, I suspect, is that it’s from Minnesota. As such, it doesn’t fit the story we usually tell ourselves about American “roots music” (if you’ll forgive the term). To an extent, interest in American music has been a subset of interest in the American South. Reasons, when given, usually involve the South’s gumbo of races and ethnicities — a deep mix indeed, which necessitated and enabled profound musical innovations.

As a devotee of Southern music myself, I won’t disagree. But what I hear in “Moonshiners Dance” is the arrival of the Jazz Age in St. Paul, and the adaptation of jazz to that city’s “always-already” multiethnic musical environment. A Klezmerized, French-Canadian, red-hot Scanda-jazzian, beer-garden polka, the recording deserves the prominence given to it by its inclusion in the Harry Smith Anthology — even if Smith was roughly the last person to understand its role in the Anthology’s argument.

One last thing is critical to understand about why this work seems to have waited until now. The US Census keeps personally-identifying data confidential for 72 years, so the full details of the 1920 census were released in 1992. The details that were collected in 1930, you might say, “swept through” the events of the 1920’s — probably the critical decade in the history of American “roots music.” And on the release side, the decade from 1992 to 2002 swept through the years of the information revolution. In other words, in 1992 all we had was 1920 and no computers, whereas in 2006 we have 1930 searchable on our desktops.

For those interested in the Anthology — or for any devotee of American music of the 1920’s and 1930’s — the information landscape has very recently been significantly improved. Those of us relying on discographies and other conscientious research from the 1940’s through the 1990’s should consider getting back to work all over again.

To be merciful, I’ve left an awful lot out. But below, I summarize the highpoints of what I’ve discovered about Frank Cloutier and the Victoria Cafe, thus far. Much of it may seem mundane, but I keep remembering that six weeks ago, the best of our knowledge was a single, modest question mark in the Anthology’s 1997 liner notes.

——————————-

Prior to 1926, hard facts about Cloutier are still few.

According to the 1930 United States Census, Frank E. Cloutier, the St. Paul orchestra musician, was born in Massachusetts to a French-Canadian mother. His father was born in New York and, considering his surname, I imagine he had a French-Canadian background too (although many Cloutier’s immigrated from Ireland). Frank E. served in the military during World War I, and the census gives his age, in 1930, as 32. I haven’t been able to find Frank E. in any previous census — at least not with confidence.

1930census
(Frank E. Cloutier and his family, from the 1930 Census)

Occupationindustry
(Frank E. Cloutier’s “occupation” and “industry”, respectively)

There is a 1917 WW I draft card signed in Manitowac, Wisconsin for a Massachusetts-born musician named Frank E. Cloutier, but he’s four years too old to be the Frank E. of the 1930 census. Maybe the 1930 census taker underestimated our Frank’s age (the census records contain a lot of errors and guesses). Maybe Frank E. was anxious to defend France and lied to the military about his age. Maybe they’re just not the same guy, however unlikely that may seem.

In any case, in 1930, Frank E. has a wife, Olive (sometimes “Oline,” maiden name probably Olson), and two young children — Alene (b. 1923) and Alden (b. 1926). Frank’s wife and son were both born in Minnesota, but his daughter and mother-in-law were born in North Dakota. Maybe Olive and Frank E. met in Minnesota after the Great War, and then went in 1923 to stay with her family in North Dakota to have their first child.

From 1926 to 1933, the information is more easily available. Frank E. Cloutier first appears in the St. Paul city directory in early 1926, listed as a musician living in what’s called the “West Side“. In June, his son Alden is born.

From at least August to October 1926, Frank E. and musician Thomas M. Gates are the co-leaders of The Gates-Cloutier Metropolitans, the house orchestra for the Metropolitan Ballroom, an apparently short-lived, downtown dance hall. The Metropolitan, together with The Coliseum and the Oxford Ballroom, seems to be one of a few venues owned by one John J. Lane.

Gatescloutier
(From the September 1, 1926 St. Paul Daily News)

Lane would play an important role in Cloutier’s life — and a lot of other people’s lives — for the next several years. An Irish immigrant and former dance instructor, by 1926 Lane was a beefy, 46-year-old businessman who, on November 2, was elected to the Ramsey County Board of Commissioners. One wonders, among other things, whether having a dance hall owner as a county commissioner helped to maintain “high spirits” in St. Paul during Prohibition.

Johnlane
(John J. Lane, from a
November 3, 1926 article
reporting his election
as County Commisioner)

Of course, the year 1927 is the critical one for us, because of “Moonshiners Dance.” By May 1927, Tom Gates is leading orchestras at John Lane’s Coliseum and Oxford Ballrooms, and Frank E. Cloutier has moved to St. Paul’s Frogtown neighborhood (which got its name, in my opinion, from its history of French settlement).

Frogtown

Frank’s new home is near two of Lane’s dance halls, and is just two blocks from another venue, The Victoria Cafe at 825 University Avenue, near the corner of University and Victoria. Unlike all the other venues mentioned here, the building that housed The Victoria Cafe is definitely still standing today.

Victoria
(the former Victoria Cafe, near the corner of University and Victoria)

Victoriacafe
(the former Victoria Cafe, 825 University Avenue, St. Paul —
click for larger view)

It was built in 1915 as The Victoria Theater, one of St. Paul’s early movie houses. It operated as a theater only until around 1921, and then stood vacant for several years. In 1925, a building permit was issued for the property, probably to convert it to The Victoria Cafe. The Cafe appears in the city directory the same year. Moe Thompson is listed as proprietor — so it was probably Thompson who dreamed up The Victoria Cafe.

Vic1926
(from the 1926 St. Paul city directory …
telephone number Dale 4664)

About 37 years old in 1925, Moe Thompson was born in New York to Jewish parents. He was already in Minnesota by World War I, and married a Swedish girl from Iowa sometime before 1920. From 1917 through 1930, he lists his calling alternately as music and the theater.

In late 1926 or early 1927, Thompson moved to New York City. It’s unclear if he remained the owner of The Vic or sold it to Lane, but the city directory gives the venue’s manager as one Samuel E. Markowitz. Everybody associated with The Vic in 1927 is listed as his employee. Markowitz — who went by the last names Markus and Markhus during this period — was an auto mechanic, driver, and car salesman before and after his association with The Vic.

Victoria1928
(from the 1928 St. Paul city directory)

Cloutier1927
(from the 1927 St. Paul city directory …
r = renter, h = homeowner)

The first newspaper ad I’ve found, so far, for The Victoria Cafe is from Saturday, April 23, 1927 (see the top of this entry). It announces the premier of a new revue starring “Cloutier’s Victorians” and 10 pretty dancing girls. In all the ads for the venue, its dancers, bright lights, Chinese food, and affordability all seem more prominently highlighted than Frank E.’s band.

Tengirlrevue
(ad from May 21, 1927)

Chinesefood
(ad from May 14, 1927)

Dancers
(ad from June 19, 1927 — everyone named
is a dancer except, presumably, Cloutier)

Frequently, other dance bands appear with Cloutier’s Victorians, such as Wally Erickson’s and Tom Gates’ Orchestras. These bands were from John Lane’s venues just a few blocks away, perhaps signaling some financial involvement by Lane in the cafe — but I haven’t confirmed this. Certainly, it hints at a closely-knit community among the neighborhood dance bands.

In May 1927, the label that recorded Moonshiners Dance, the Gennett record company, comes to town and begins recording local acts, including Erickson, Gates, and Cloutier. On May 29, the St. Paul Daily News carries a front page article announcing that recording sessions had begun at the Lowry Hotel the day before.

Souleslovetsky
(front page story, May 29, 1927, St. Paul Daily News —
the Minnesota historical society has a hard-copy original print
of the photo on file, and a good scan online)

Although the article doesn’t mention Gennett, it does specify that the accompanying photograph shows Harold Soule at the controls of “the recording device.” We know from archives housed today at the Indiana Historical Society that Soule was a Gennett employee.

I’m now working with the Indiana HS to get photocopies of the original company ledgers from the St. Paul sessions by Gennett. In the meantime, I must rely on redhotjazz.com for most of my information about those sessions — but I can’t determine precisely where they get any given piece of information.

Redhotjazz.com does not mention “Moonshiners Dance.” However, it lists the personnel from a session by the Tom Gates Orchestra held on either May 28 or July 25 — maybe the line-up was the same for both dates.

Lee N. Blevins (trombone)
Earl Clark (banjo)
Frank Cloustier (piano, director)
Bob Gates (bass brass)
Tom Gates (tenor saxophone)
Tracy “Pug” Mama (clarinet, alto saxophone)
Victor Sells (trumpet)
Nevin Simmons (alto Saxophone, vocals)
Harold Stoddard (drums)

Note the mysterious “Frank Cloustier” who is listed, strangely, as the director of the Tom Gates Orchestra — wouldn’t Tom Gates be its director?

We already know that Gates and Frank E. Cloutier were billed a few months before as the joint leaders of a single band, and that Gates and Cloutier continued to work together in the same venues on the same nights — indeed, they did precisely that at The Victoria Cafe six days before the May session. This should be proof enough that it was actually Frank E. Cloutier, not “Frank Cloustier” who played piano on at least one of the Gates Orchestra recordings.

But there is additional proof in the St. Paul and Minneapolis city directories. Nobody with the surname “Cloustier” appears in any directory of either of the Twin Cities from 1920 to 1936, nor any other year I’ve checked. Frank E. Cloutier, however, regularly presents himself.

Furthermore, searching the US Census from 1790 to 1930 — that is, in 15 consecutive decades of US history — nobody with the surname Cloustier was ever encountered by any census taker, anywhere. One family pops up in searches for the surname — a Rhode Island family in 1910 — but previous and subsequent census records list the same family as Cloutier. “Cloustier” is a spelling error.

The alternative possibility — that the only Cloustier in the history of the American Republic happened to be named Frank and happened to show up in St. Paul in 1927 to record with Frank E. Cloutier’s partner, taking a one-day turn as the director of the band — is absurd.

This discovery of at least one “lost recording” by Frank E. Cloutier raises an issue that might be resolved in the next few weeks, when I get my hands on copies of the company ledger. I don’t know the date of Moonshiners Dance recording (I’ve seen September 29, but there’s contradicting evidence). If the recording was made on the same date the members of the Gates Orchestra were documented, there’s a chance that Frank E. was not the only musician shared by the two outfits. There’s some small hope that the recording members of The Victoria Cafe Orchestra could be — or now have been — discovered.

Frank E. seems to have been involved with The Victoria Cafe for a very short time. Although there’s more research left to do, I’ve so far found strong evidence for an association only in April, May, and June of 1927. He’s missing from a September 22 ad for The Vic, where the featured attraction that night was the broadcast of the Tunney-Dempsey boxing match. Mostly, The Vic itself is missing from the ad sections of the local newspapers.

Tunneydempsey
(ad from September 22, 1927)

The Victoria Cafe appears again in the 1928 city directory, but disappears in 1929. The property at 825 University Avenue is listed as vacant for the next five years.

By 1928, Frank E. is listed in the directory as a musician at the Coliseum Ballroom — he’s again clearly working for John J. Lane. In 1929, he’s now a manager at Lane’s Coliseum Amusement Company and he’s moved west about six blocks to a home only a stone’s throw from the Coliseum. In September 1929 (at least), Frank Cloutier’s Orchestra is appearing on WCCO radio every Wednesday night at 10:30. Wading through newspaper listings could reveal when this radio gig began and ended.

Radio
(radio listings for Wednesday, September 11, 1929)

The 1930 census (discussed above) now finds Frank E. and his family right there, living next to the Coliseum. Frank E. remains in the same neighborhood for several more years, usually listed in the directories simply as “musician,” but in 1933 as “musical dir.” at the Coliseum Ballroom.

The 1933 directory contains Frank E. Cloutier’s last known address, and I don’t yet know what happened to him thereafter. (“Improvise, Frank E.!”) There is pretty good evidence that the family moved to North Dakota, where his wife’s mother was born.

A 1939 high school yearbook from Minot, North Dakota contains an entry for an Alene Cloutier. The name is the same as Frank E.’s 7-year-old daughter from the 1930 census, who would have been 16 in 1939. The entry is hard to interpret, but it appears the student has a connection with St. Paul’s Central High School.

It’s certain that Alene’s younger brother, Alden M. Cloutier, was assigned a Social Security Number in the state of North Dakota, a strong confirmation that the family moved to that state. Alden went on to serve as an Army sergeant in the final year of World War II. He died in 1981, barely 55 years old, and is buried at Wood National Cemetery in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

In 1934 — the year after the Cloutier family disappears from St. Paul — activity resumes at the former site of The Victoria Cafe. The unfortunately-named La Casa Grande Cafe opens at the address, under the management of John McNulty, who was previously a chauffeur, cab driver, and then cab company owner.

In 1935, McNulty wisely changes the establishment’s name back to The Victoria Cafe. Nevertheless, the property is vacant again in 1936, and McNulty goes back to driving a cab. He then works as a solicitor for a small local newspaper and soon moves in with several McNulty women — his widowed mother, apparently, and several of his sisters or possibly aunts. His wife and profession disappear from the listings.

It seems the property at 825 University has been associated with the Muska lighting company for most of the past 70 years and was, for a long time, a lighting fixture showroom. The “bright lights” of The Victoria Cafe shined on for a long time, one way or another.

The property is vacant today. In 2004, it was evaluated for possible eligibility for the National Registry (see the 4.6-MB PDF, pages 211-213). The evaluation was part of a survey conducted by The 106 Group Ltd. to evaluate the historical impact of a proposed light rail line running along University Avenue (see the 1.5-MB PDF). The report is very interesting and useful. However, the evaluation of 825 University Avenue completely misses the entire second half of the 1920’s, as well as the building’s close (but never studied) association with one of the most influential documents in the history of American music.

Although I was a copy editor and report production manager for a cultural resource management company for two years, I’m not qualified to say the report’s recommendation of “not eligible” for the National Registry was appropriate or inappropriate. It’s very clear, though, that the most historically and culturally important events and people associated with the property were entirely missed during the evaluation. I think the recommendation needs to be revisited by professionals — especially if the former site of the Victoria Cafe is to be negitively impacted by the project.

——————————-

Future Research
I didn’t publish this now because I’ve squeezed out all the information that can be gotten. I had other reasons, including a degree of fatigue. Much more can be uncovered (or has been uncovered, but not discussed here) and I hope to continue my research, but perhaps at a more leisurely pace.

For example, my research on Frank’s activities in St. Paul after the Gennett recordings is spotty, and light can be shed on his years from 1928 to 1933. It’s possible some clues as to why he left Minnesota could be found. I also think I can discover more about Olive Cloutier’s early life in Minnesota (and thus, when and where she met Frank E.).

Certainly, much more can be discovered about all of the characters recorded during Gennett’s 1927 sessions in Minnesota (not to mention Vocalion’s in 1929, etc.) and all of the venues in which they played. (I have seen, for example, the WWI draft card of the brother of Grace Slovetsky, the stenographer standing next to Harold Soule in the newspaper photo.) This is one reason for my choice to fixate exclusively on the obscure “Moonshiner’s Dance” — the vast quantity (if not necessarily quality) of information available on other people and venues is staggering.

Again, I’m working with the Indiana Historical Society to get copies of some of their extensive archive on the Gennett record company.

It would be easy enough to trace more of the career of John J. Lane, including his term as a Ramsey County Commissioner — and were I to write a book (or long article, Master’s thesis, etc.) about the Twin Cities music scene in the 1920’s and 1930’s, Lane would figure prominently. I don’t know how likely such a book (etc.) is without additional funds or other enabling conditions.

Many resources located in North Dakota and Wisconsin would be of great interest and value in finding out about the Cloutier family before and after St. Paul. But without being both unemployed and divorced, it’s hard to see how I’ll be able to access them in person any time soon. I’m exploring various possibilities. Certainly, I would love to hear from music fans in these states who have the deep enthusiasm and skepticism needed to do this work well. Ditto if you live in Minnesota, by the way — there is a lot of work to do, and I’d love to have partners in getting it done.

I’ll update The Celestial Monochord in the event any interesting discoveries are made.

——————————-

Acknowledgments
The resources at the library at the Minnesota History Center, especially city directories and newspapers on microfilm, have been extremely useful. So have the History Center’s patient staff members, even when I’ve been a pain in the ass.

The census information, military records, veterans’ cemetery information, and yearbook entry were all accessed through Ancestry.com. The site is available at many libraries that have institutional subscriptions, such as the MnHS. Individual home subscriptions can also be purchased at monthly or yearly rates. They’re not cheap, but they’re really useful.

Many sincere thanks to my wife, Jenny, for sharing her husband with various dead hillbillies — morning, noon, and night — for about a decade now. Thanks, especially, for listening … and listening … and listening.

Arif Mardin, 1932-2006

Arif Mardin

(Arif Mardin and Louis Armstrong)

 

Readers of my series on John Prine’s second album (“Diamonds in the Rough”) may want to know that Arif Mardin died yesterday. Mardin produced Prine’s first two albums, and his other credits are astonishing in their variety and notoriety.

Mardin gets the very last word on “Diamonds in the Rough.” If you turn up the volume quite loud just after the last note is sung in the album’s last song (the title song), you’ll hear Mardin turn on the loudspeaker in the studio and say to the assembled singers — John Prine, Dave Prine, and Steve Goodman: “Fantastic.”

Read about Arif Mardin in all the usual places — Wikipedia, Google, and NPR.

 

“Old is the New New” is Old

Olddances

While looking through a local Minnesota newspaper from 1927, I happened to notice the two-sentence “filler” article above, buried on page 9.

Sure enough, listening to reissues of the old “hillbilly” 78’s from the late 1920’s, you can hear the performers trying to appeal to this trend. They often seem to be trying hard — occasionally to point of absurdity — to sound antique and to project a feeling of old-timey nostalgia.

You sit down to listen to an obscure old recording from the 1920’s thinking you’re going to hear some of that real, authentic, genuine, old-time music just like the miners and moonshiners used to play way up in the hills when things were real … and at the start of the recording the leader of the string band introduces the song with something like “Yessir, we’re gunna play some of that real, authentic, genuine, old-time music just like the miners and moonshiners used to play way up in the hills when things were real!”

And you think … wwwwwait a minute …

Clearly, the companies who recorded southern hillbilly music in the 1920’s wanted to meet a demand for music that felt old-fashioned. Luckily, in doing so, they went out and unwittingly preserved a lot of American musical traditions that would’ve been otherwise lost.

Although I was aware of such an “old-time revival” of the 1920’s, it still surprised me to read about it in real newspapers alongside articles on the floods in Mississippi and Louisiana, and Lindbergh’s flight across the Atlantic. Another 1927 article profiles a local record store owner who even uses the word “revival” to describe the situation of his day:

Bernstein

To me, it seems Bernstein might be describing songs from Tin Pan Alley — commercial music written by professionals — more than the kind of ancient, anonymously-composed songs we associate with old folk and blues music. But remember that performers we today consider “authentic” folk or blues musicians recorded such songs all the time. Bernstein could easily be thinking of recordings by The Skillet Lickers, Buell Kazee, and the Carter Family.

Reading all this, I was reminded of Robert Cantwell’s remark about Harry Smith’s “Anthology of American Folk Music,” which collects commercial recordings mostly made in the late 1920’s:

The music reissued on the Anthology was already selectively, conscientiously, and conspicuously revivalist when it was originally recorded. This quality had recommended it, at the height of the Jazz Age, to its various parochial and provincial listeners. The Anthology recovered that music … converting a commercial music fashioned in the twenties into the “folk” music of the [1950’s] revival. [p. 190, When We Were Good]

Among other interesting things about this passage, Cantwell hints that the 1920’s revival was a reactionary response against the popularity of jazz. Could he be right? It’s an uncomfortable suggestion in our ecumenical age, but it’s hard to deny there’s some truth to it.

The most explicit proof I know of is that Henry Ford sponsored old-time fiddle contests with huge prizes to encourage the wholesome, clean-living values associated with old-time music. Such values made for good workers and customers, but I think Ford may also have wanted to disassociate — at least in the eyes of rural Southern folks — the Ford brand from the disruptive effects of the Ford product. To many, the auto stank of jazz, sex, alcohol, and economic turmoil, and Ford’s support of an old-time revival helped to sanitize the auto’s jazzy image.

Still, it’s always easy to over-simplify history, and I distrust Cantwell’s off-handed remark about the antagonism between these two musical trends of the 1920’s. If Bernstein’s customers listened to all the latest new musical fads, they’d be listening to BOTH jazz and old-time music, and I think there’s some evidence that this is exactly what happened.

Dock Boggs, for example, drew heavily from female blues singers who would have been considered, at the time, intensely new, racy, glitzy, and commercial — and indeed, he built a brand-new style around them. The Harry Smith Anthology’s “Moonshiner’s Dance” by Frank Cloutier and the Victoria Cafe Orchestra is a promiscuous mash-up of red-hot American jazz and Scandinavian, French Canadian, and Mexican dance music. Neither Dock Boggs nor Frank Cloutier were parochial and provincial, and I wouldn’t be too quick to assume their listeners were either.

In another wrinkle, the old-time recordings made during the 1920’s weren’t exactly academic preservation efforts, although we often listen to the Harry Smith anthology (etc.) as if it were a direct pipeline to the distant past. To sell music that your average 1920’s (or 2006) record buyer would hear as old-timey and traditional, you can’t just offer traditional music. It’s often too unexpected, too weird, too racy, too contemporary. What you need is new music that sounds like an immediately recognizable sign that MEANS “traditional.”

This is what Bill Monroe developed as he created the bluegrass sound in the mid-1940’s. According to Cantwell’s book “Bluegrass Breakdown,” Monroe learned the trick of inventing a traditional music for a contemporary audience from one of the most popular old-time bands of the 1920’s revival, The Skillet Lickers:

In the Skillet Lickers … we hear the raucous, brilliant, and spontaneous sound of southern mountain dance music played by men who understood that in the recording studio they were at liberty to play as they might after the dancers had gone home — that is, with heightened vitality and energy [for] an audience who could attend more closely to the music than actual dancers and who could imagine a dance more gay and wonderful than is usually possible for ordinary self-conscious mortals. [p. 52, emphasis is Cantwell’s]

It’s clear that the old-time revival of the 1920’s preserved older traditions, even as it reworked those traditions and created new ones. Although we should keep this in mind as we listen to old records from the 1920’s, it’s not so strange. We know that folk revivals always curate and create at the same time — this is what happened in the 1950’s and early 1960’s in Greenwich Village, and in Chapel Hill around 1970, and it’s clearly happening again in the full-on folk revival we’re witnessing today.

Sometimes it seems the revivals come around so often they blend into one another, to the point where I begin to doubt the very idea of a distinct revival. There is near-constant churning and re-invention of America’s musical traditions, blending the mass-produced and the home-made, the new and the old, to the point where the distinctions between them become as imaginary as they are potent.

 

The Great Compromise

Gulf_of_tonkin_resolution
(The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution)

 

The Great Compromise seems designed to be the climax of Diamonds in the Rough, to demand our fullest attention. It’s the album’s longest cut (4:57) and brings the album to a kind of halt with its slow, firm waltz-time and its deliberate gravity. Besides Sour Grapes, it’s Prine’s only solo performance on Diamonds — just Prine and his guitar, as if he intends to take full and sole responsibility for the song.

The Great Compromise is built around a conceit — an elaborate and startling analogy. The singer’s love for an unfaithful girlfriend is like his patriotism during the Vietnam War:

I knew a girl who was almost a lady
She had her way with all the men in her life
Every inch of her blossomed in beauty
She was born on the fourth of July

Well she lived in an aluminum house trailer
And she worked in a jukebox saloon
And she spent all the money that I gave her
Just to see the old man in the moon

Chorus:
I used to sleep at the foot of Old Glory
And awaken at dawn’s early light
But much to my surprise, when I opened my eyes
I was the victim of the Great Compromise

My literal-mindedness long kept me from really giving myself over to the song. The metaphor seemed stretched beyond its limits. Yes, America certainly lives in an aluminum trailer, and yes, it’s got a juke-joint economy. I’d give you that. But even today, to my ears, the conceit struggles during story’s action — the events causing the singer’s disillusionment:

Well we’d go out on Saturday evening
To the drive-in on Route 41
And it was there that I first suspected
That she was doing what she’d already done

She said Johnny, won’t you get me some popcorn
And she knew I had to walk pretty far
And as soon as I passed through the moonlight
She hopped into a foreign sports car

I mean, if we accept this metaphor, what does the popcorn represent? The various demands that distract Americans from the infidelities of their government? It’s a true enough idea, I guess, but is it really in the song? And whose foreign sports car did America jump into during Vietnam, exactly?

Look, the Great Compromise of 1787 established both the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives, instead of just one or the other — hence, the compromise. But how is Prine a victim of it? Maybe through the joint congressional Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which more or less initiated the Vietnam War? Is that what Prine was hinting at? Maybe Prine’s girlfriend had a constitution that was hard to negotiate?

It turns out my resistance to the song is really part of a larger issue — how meaning works, or should work, in popular song. Prine, as I’ve said before, learned from Bob Dylan to share the job of meaning with his audience. Leave the meanings open-ended, Bob teaches us, so the listener can participate in the making of sense.

But many of Dylan’s — and probably Prine’s — listeners think they’re hearing an encoded message, a hidden song that could be exposed if only you knew the code. The listener participates, but only in trying to figure out what everything “really” represents.

I think The Great Compromise’s writing hasn’t yet settled on one or the other. It’s caught in a twilight hour between these two approaches to meaning — it’s somewhere between Don McLean’s American Pie and Dylan’s Idiot Wind.

But much like Souvenirs and Billy The Bum, I’ve warmed up to this song over the decades, and particularly during the Bush years. Like Take the Star Out of the Window, The Great Compromise introduces us to a good, patriotic American forced to live in his head, estranged from himself. It’s about that agony:

Well she writes all the fellas love letters
Saying, Greetings, come and see me real soon
And they go and line up in the bar room
Spend the night in that sick woman’s room

But sometimes I get awful lonesome
And I wish she was my girl instead
But she won’t let me live with her
And she makes me live in my head

Since the song was written, we’ve seen so many “celebrities” publicly “pick sides” on so many issues. It’s easy enough, if you’re so inclined, to shrug them off — to dismiss the patriotism of former Canadian Neil Young, or the seriousness of pretty superstars The Dixie Chicks. But Prine seems like a different animal entirely. He consistently reminds us that disillusionment is a more potent political force than mere disagreement with others.

No matter what I said earlier about meaning, the real job of the listener, here, is to contend with what it must have meant to Prine to write this song — to compare love of country with spending “the night in that sick woman’s room” — to write that down on paper. Prine is a US Army veteran — he was stationed in Germany in the early days of the war. After his military service, he spent five years employed by the Federal government as a postal carrier. His grandfather was a country musician and played with Merle Travis. According to Prine (see the bottom of this page):

My dad was a huge Hank Williams fan and I think, at the same time, that I was trying to learn songs — Hank Williams songs — so I could sing them for my dad, so he’d know I could sing. And then when I started writing songs, I wanted to write songs like Hank Williams so my dad would know I was a songwriter.

So I wrote about something he knew about and I put his name in — “Daddy, won’t you take me back to Muhlenberg County.” And it got his ear, you know, he was ready to listen to me, just like he listened to Roy Acuff and Hank Williams. You know, this was his, his son Johnny who was singing him songs. And he knew where I was coming from in the songs.

My father died before my first album came out, but I brought a tape of it home, a reel-to-reel, and borrowed somebody’s tape recorder and played him the record. It’s a good thing I did, cuz he wouldn’t have heard it otherwise. And when “Paradise” came on, he went and sat in another room, in the dark. That was the last cut on the record, and when it was done, he came back into the room and I asked him how come he left the room when I was playing this song. He said he wanted to pretend it was on a jukebox.



(This is part of my song-by-song series on John Prine’s second album, Diamonds in the Rough: Everybody  *  The Torch Singer  *  Souvenirs  *  The Late John Garfield Blues  *  Sour Grapes * Billy The Bum  *  The Frying Pan  *  Yes I Guess They Oughta Name a Drink After You  *  Take the Star Out of the Window  *  The Great Compromise  *  Clocks and Spoons  *  Rocky Mountain Time  *  Diamonds in the Rough)

Sidewalk Fulgurite

Fulgurite_segments_1

While taking a walk two weekends ago, a strange scar on the sidewalk caught my eye at Colfax and 24th in Minneapolis.

The scar was something like 3 meters long and in about 5 segments, each about 2 cm deep and up to about 5 cm wide. It was as if a steamshovel had been carelessly dragged along the sidewalk. But the scar was strangely branched. It was hard to imagine what kind of tool could have carved it, even intentionally.

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On closer examination, I found the edges of the scar almost completely encrusted with black glass, some of which was easy to pick loose. (The photos below were taken the following weekend, when the scar was filled with organic rubbish.)

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It took me ten minutes of standing around staring at the sidewalk — sometimes peering at it very closely on my hands and knees (much to the puzzlement of passersby) — to convince myself that this was created by lightning. It’s fulgurite. Whatever made it not only dug a small trench in a municipal sidewalk, it also burned the sand in the sidewalk’s concrete into glass.

The scar is immediately below an ordinary city powerline pole, and I can’t completely discount the possibility that the scar was created by a downed powerline. I did poorly in the electricity sections of my college physics classes, but my sense is that there’s a number of problems with a powerline origin for the scar — not the least of which is that powerlines just don’t have the juice to do the job. More likely, the pole attracted the lightning.

Fulgurite is usually found on sand beaches, and online photos of it make it look a little like coral. I think the loose quality of sand eases lightning’s path and allows for the dramatically-shaped objects usually associated with fulgurite. Sidewalk fulgurite is not unheard of, as this PDF reprint of a 1947 article in Rocks and Minerals attests.